Philippines Halts New Online Casinos As China Urges Crackdown

Philippines Halts New Online Casinos As China Urges Crackdown

Philippines Halts New Online Casinos As China Urges Crackdown – Made in China Journal | Text | Among the economic and social exclusions: China’s gambling capital of the Philippines

Since the early 2000s, the elites of the Philippines have limited Chinese investment in key economic sectors such as infrastructure, construction and many others. During the term of Benigno Aquino III (2010-2016), there were no major investments from Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs) or development aid organizations because of the South China Sea disputes. Unlike his predecessor, when he assumed the presidency in 2016, Rodrigo Duterte signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with the Chinese government worth $24 billion, which includes $15 billion in foreign direct investment. country (FDI) and 9 billion dollars. in aid Although this flow of FDI and aid has been weak since then, in recent years the Chinese capital has increased in the Philippines, a growth largely related to online gambling industry. Online gambling has not only benefited indirectly from the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) through the influx of Chinese tourists, which has become a route for illegal workers, but has also led to an increase in total number of Chinese investors. product online. sports department.

Philippines Halts New Online Casinos As China Urges Crackdown

Philippines Halts New Online Casinos As China Urges Crackdown

Chinese online gambling companies have been controversial, buying up office space across Metro Manila, hiring hundreds of thousands of workers and increasing exit arrangements with Chinese investment firms in other sectors. Anti-Chinese sentiment among Filipinos rose, causing tension between Metro Manilans and the Chinese immigrant community. There have been calls to ban, relocate and confiscate online gambling companies. This anti-Chinese sentiment is unusual because Chinese online gambling companies make a special kind of money that is not covered by the BRI and has even been made illegal by the Chinese state. However, Filipinos were hurt by online gambling investments. Analyzing the performance of this type of capital is consistent with Ching Kwan Lee’s arguments in The Specter of Global China (2017), where he discusses the difference between China’s national capital and global private capital. Building on Lee’s work, I look at an important question: What are the effects of Chinese capital on host societies? By examining the effects of the expansion of Chinese online gambling companies in the urban areas of the Philippines, especially Metro Manila, I hope to identify the sources of Filipinos’ resentment against the influx of Chinese gambling outfits. online.

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In his book, Lee draws on the theoretical frameworks of Karl Polanyi and Max Weber to explain the embedded and contested dimensions of China’s state investment, China’s ethnic relations with Zambia, and China’s global status. Africa. Following these theoretical traditions, I argue that Chinese online gambling generates certain forms of economic and social alienation and shows broader social effects above and beyond than capital investment. Polanyi (1944, 37) suggests that property separates the “inventions” of land, labor, and capital from the social relations of the host country, leading to the dissolution of society or the “ultimate annihilation of society.” .”

Although the sale of goods has been a thing of the past, Chinese online gambling companies are already distributing fake products. In 2016, online gambling companies started buying up entire buildings or condominium floors in Metro Manila, more than the so-called call centers, which offer back-end services. rao to Western expatriates and Filipino consumers. Hundreds of thousands of illegal and illegal Chinese speakers have immigrated to work in newly established online gambling companies (Bureau of Immigration 2019). Most of these changes contributed to the increase in real estate prices and other primary assets (Bloomberg 2018). As business outsourcing (BPO) declines, fewer long-term jobs are created for Filipinos. Coupled with a lack of infrastructure development and stagnant income growth, this situation has had a major impact on the lives of many Filipinos.

To understand how actors respond to such a process, I use Weber’s concept of social closure to show the ways in which individuals draw group boundaries around normative norms. In the eyes of Chinese companies and other workers, Filipinos are predators, leading them to bribery. For many Filipinos, the prejudice of “Chinese invasion” shapes their views on how Chinese companies and workers are changing the labor market and business sectors. This essay briefly examines how Chinese and Filipinos construct or racialize each other through online gambling companies, related organizations, and other consumer industries.

Polanyi claims that market society emerged through what he calls a “double movement.” The first movement occurs when governments try to separate markets from communities through mercantilism, which he defines as the freedom to produce merchandise without political or social constraints (Polanyi 1944, 37 and 187) . To develop a market society, states need to buy land, labor and money, or what he calls “inventions” (Polanyi 1944, 137). However, because land, labor, and money are always embedded in social relations, a fully independent market is impossible (Polanyi 1944, 172). Therefore, separating inventions from the category of social relations creates divisions in society.

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To avoid the eventual abolition of society, Polanyi argues that a second movement emerges to replace the market in social relations (Polanyi 1944, 137). The destruction of society caused by property leads to different organizations that oppose three artificial products, namely: workers at work (Polanyi 1944; 105); landowners and peasants (Polanyi 1944, 94); and the trading class for money (Polanyi 1944, 113). He suggests that in the end these groups will end up going beyond their narrow goals, to protect society as a whole and to restore false products in society (Polanyi 1944, 139 and 151).

While Polanyi elaborated on goods, the non-economic dimensions of activity were best described by Max Weber. Weber uses the concept of social closure to explain the social impact of capital. According to him, social closure is a way of drawing independent boundaries and creating a special identity with the aim of controlling economic and social opportunities. First define open and closed relationships. The relationship is open if “the administrative system does not deny participation to anyone who wants to participate and is really in a position to do so”, while it is closed if, according to “the meaning of the subject and binding practices, the participation of certain people”. excluded, limited or conditioned’ (Weber 1978a, 343).

Because social closure prevents competition, Weber argues that there is often a “competitor group [that] assumes some characteristic that can be recognized outside of another (actual or potential) group of competitors: race, language, religion, domestic or social origin, lineage, residence, etc.—as a reason for trying to exclude” (Weber 1978a, 342). He also adds that “it does not matter that what is the characteristic selected in the individual case: whatever is said is easily taken advantage of” (Weber 1978a, 342) As Weber says, “the aim is always to close social and economic opportunities to outsiders.” These resources are not open to outsiders, and if they get the opportunities that are normally given to insiders, then “the old. monopolistic organization is doomed” (Weber 1978a, 343).

Philippines Halts New Online Casinos As China Urges Crackdown

President Rodrigo Duterte has made claims over the South China Sea in exchange for better relations with China and greater access to its capital (Camba 2017). Online gambling is an important part of the growth of Chinese capital in the Philippines. After taking office in June 2016, Duterte created the “Philippine Offshore Gambling Operations” (POGO), a new law that allows online gambling companies to set up shop in major cities such as Makati, Pasay and Paranaque ( IBON 2020). Prior to the POGO initiative, online gambling businesses could only be opened in areas controlled by investment promotion agencies, which were usually located in real estate processing centers or special gambling sites. economic zones (SEZs) away from cities. Although there is no direct connection between the ban on the South China Sea and the flow of online gambling capital, some companies were already there during the first administration of Aquino III, which opposed China’s maritime claims, and the Chinese state actively discourages host countries from hosting online. gambling. – A Chinese official told me in a 2018 interview that the Philippines’ decision to drop claims over the South China Sea limits China’s ability to pressure the Philippines to ban online gambling. In addition, improved relations between the two countries have resulted in a large inflow of foreign investment from Chinese tourists and foreigners, allowing online gambling companies to expand their supply chain. of workers and hiring other Chinese companies that do not play their services (Camba and Magat 2020, 12) ). Today, Duterte continues to protect online gambling companies as current and former Chinese citizens pour billions into the industry. The online gambling industry is a worthy subject to test for the Chinese capital in the Philippines because the industry’s huge profits, new technologies, and extensive legal powers show how the differences in How do geography, industry, property, internet and calendar play a role in planning? great power.

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The Philippine Amusement Gambling Corporation (PAGCOR), the government company tasked with regulating gambling in the country, has registered 60 online gambling companies operating under the investment scheme. of POGO (PAGCOR 2019). Most of the investment came from foreign financial institutions such as British Virgin

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